full of juice pt. 1

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  1. deterritorialization:

“Conceptuality of Fundamental Structures” (1965) - R. Fuller
deterritorialization:

“Conceptuality of Fundamental Structures” (1965) - R. Fuller
    High Resolution

    deterritorialization:

    Conceptuality of Fundamental Structures” (1965) - R. Fuller

    (Source: halogenic, via cyborges)

  2. Name: A Little Lost
    Artist: Arthur Russell
    Album: Another Thought

    hashtagwebsite:

    Arthur Russell, “A Little Lost” from Another Thought (Point, 1994)

    Cause I’m so busy, so busy/Thinking about kissing you/Now I want to do that/Without entertaining another thought (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zO2F48JKIlo).

  3. "Tumblr is like a million teenage Ray Johnsons all mail-arting the universe at once."

     -

    McKenzie Wark (via jacobwren)

    And so and so we go.

    (via ludicviolets)

    (via ludicviolets)

  4. grupaok:

Richard Hamilton, People, 1968
Some reading: Anne Lesley Selcer with Joshua Clover, “Police Eyes," at Open Space

"I myself am not very interested in protest, at least as you seem to mean it here, precisely because it is a politics of appearance. By this I do not simply mean that it takes place in the arena of the spectacular image, though it does. I mean that it seeks to win gains via moral suasion: to render visible a forgotten or concealed wrong of the world, that some imagined audience might suddenly recognize it and, in an upwelling of love for justice, or guilt, or anger, make it right. Artists tend to like these politics because it’s very flattering to them, the idea that a moving presentation might change the world. I don’t really think that’s how revolution happens."
- Joshua Clover. grupaok:

Richard Hamilton, People, 1968
Some reading: Anne Lesley Selcer with Joshua Clover, “Police Eyes," at Open Space

"I myself am not very interested in protest, at least as you seem to mean it here, precisely because it is a politics of appearance. By this I do not simply mean that it takes place in the arena of the spectacular image, though it does. I mean that it seeks to win gains via moral suasion: to render visible a forgotten or concealed wrong of the world, that some imagined audience might suddenly recognize it and, in an upwelling of love for justice, or guilt, or anger, make it right. Artists tend to like these politics because it’s very flattering to them, the idea that a moving presentation might change the world. I don’t really think that’s how revolution happens."
- Joshua Clover.
    High Resolution

    grupaok:

    Richard Hamilton, People, 1968

    Some reading: Anne Lesley Selcer with Joshua Clover, “Police Eyes," at Open Space

    "I myself am not very interested in protest, at least as you seem to mean it here, precisely because it is a politics of appearance. By this I do not simply mean that it takes place in the arena of the spectacular image, though it does. I mean that it seeks to win gains via moral suasion: to render visible a forgotten or concealed wrong of the world, that some imagined audience might suddenly recognize it and, in an upwelling of love for justice, or guilt, or anger, make it right. Artists tend to like these politics because it’s very flattering to them, the idea that a moving presentation might change the world. I don’t really think that’s how revolution happens."

    - Joshua Clover.

    (Source: tate.org.uk, via noceans)

  5. "I would like to write like a painter. I would like to write like a painting.
    The way I would like to live. Maybe the way I manage to live, sometimes. Or rather: the way it is sometimes given to me to live, in the present absolute.
    In the happening of the instant.
    Just at the moment of the instant, in what unfurls it, I touch down then let myself slip into the depth of the instant itself."

     -

    Helene Cixous, ‘The Last Painting or the Portrait of God.’

  6. "It’s upon the heavy equilibrium of terror that rests the apparent calm of all the societies of late capitalism."

     - Tiqqun, Theses on the Imaginary Party.
  7. "It is besides one of the most constant traits of the Spectacle that it does not speak of war but in a language where the word “war” does not appear more than a question of “humanitarian operations”, “international sanctions”, “maintaining order”, “safeguarding the rights of man”, of the fight against “terrorism”, “sects”, “extremism”, or “pedophilia”, and above all this, the “process of peace”."

     - Tiqqun, Theses on the Imaginary Party.
  8. "It is in applying in this type of case the fundamental axiom according to which what is unseen does not exist -esse est percipi- that the Spectacle maintains the exorbitant and planetary illusion of a fragile civil peace, of which the perfection demands that we leave it to spread in all domains its gigantic campaign of the pacification of societies and of the neutralization of their contradictions. But its foreseeable failure is logically inscribed in the simple fact that this campaign of pacification is still a war- certainly the most terrible and destructive that ever was, because it is lead in the name of peace."

     - Tiqqun, Theses on the Imaginary Party.
  9. "Since its birth, Commodity Society has never renounced its absolute hatred of the political, and it is in this that resides its greatest vexation as the project of eradicating it is itself still political. It greatly wants to speak of law, economy, culture, philosophy, the environment, and even of politics, but never of the political. Invariably, this negation takes the form of a naturalization, of which the impossibility finds itself denounced in an equally invariable fashion by periodic crises."

     - Tiqqun, Theses on the Imaginary Party.
  10. "An analysis of the Russian Revolution shows that in allowing a specific group, separate from the workers themselves, to take over the function of managing production, the working class loses all possibility of even controlling the means of producing wealth. the separation of productive labour from the means of production result in an exploiting society. Moreover, when institutions such as the soviets could no longer be influenced by ordinary workers, the regime could no longer be called a soviet regime. By no stretch of the imagination could it still be taken to reflect the interests of the working class. The basic question: who manages production after the overthrow of the bourgeoisie? should therefore now become the centre of any serious discussion about socialism. Today the old equation (liquidation of the bourgeoisie = workers’ state) popularized by countless Leninists, Stalinists, and Trotskyists is just not good enough."

     - Maurice Brinton, The Bolsheviks and Workers’ Control (via class-struggle-anarchism)

    (Source: sedimentarysyndicalist, via oiseau-de-minerve)